Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Aristotle. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων
Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Aristotle. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων

Πέμπτη 26 Απριλίου 2012

The Greek Drama , Mythos and the Theatrical performance

 The history of Western drama begins in the mid-sixth century at Athens.The high period of Greek drama runs from the sixth to the mid-third century, with special attention paid to the fifth century, when most of the plays that we possess were produced.Drama is action. According to Aristotle (Poetics 1448a28), dramatic poets “represent people in action,” as opposed to a third-person narrative or the mixture of narrative and direct speech as done by Homer. We begin, then, appropriately enough with a Greek word, dra ma (drama), which means “action,” “doing,” “performance.”According to Aristotle, the verb dran was not an Attic term (“Attic” being the dialect spoken at Athens), Athenians preferring to use the verb prattein and its cognates (pragma, praxis) to signify “action” or “performance.” Whether this was true or not does not matter here – that dran is common in Athenian tragedy, but not in the prose writers, may support Aristotle’s assertion. For both Plato and Aristotle, the two great philosophers of the fourth century, drama is an example of mimesis, “imitation” or “representation,” but each took a different view of the matter. (Mimesis is not an easy word to render in English. Neither “imitation” nor “representation” really gets the point. We have left it in Greek transliteration.) For Plato mimesis was something to be discredited, something inferior, which the ideal ruler of an ideal state would avoid. It meant putting oneself into the character of another, taking on another’s role, which in many Greek myths could be a morally inferior one, perhaps even that of a slave or a woman.Plato would have agreed with Polonius in Hamlet, “to thine own self be true.”But Aristotle found in mimesis not only something natural in human nature but also something that was a pleasure and essential for human learning (Poetics 1448b5–9) to engage in mimesis is innate in human beings from childhood and humans differ from other living creatures in that humans are very mimetic and develop their first learning through mimesis and because all humans enjoy mimetic activities.Drama then is “doing” or “performance,” and in human cultures performances can be used in all sorts of ways.Drama and performance will often keep historical events alive – here “legend” is a better term than “myth,” for legend is based on some real “historical” events, elaborated admittedly out of recognition, but real nonetheless. Greek tragedy falls partly
into this category, since its themes and subjects are for the most part drawn from the heroic age, an idealized time about a thousand years before the classical age.Aristotle (Poetics chapter 6) will insist that mythos (“plot”) is the most important part of a Greek tragedy. For the Greeks drama (performance) came
later than the purely narrative relation of a story. The sequence would seem to have been purely oral narrative by the bards; the Homeric epics (eighth century), which, as Aristotle points out (Poetics 1448a21), do not provide pure narration, but a mixture of narration and direct speech; finally actual dramatic performance.

Another crucial term is “theater.” Thea- in Greek means “observe,” “watch” (related also to “theory” as the result of mental contemplation), and while we speak of an “audience” and an “auditorium” (from the Latin audire, “to hear”), the ancients talked of “watchers,” “spectators,” and the “watching-place.” The noun theatron (“theater”) refers both to the physical area where the plays were staged, more specifically
here to the area on the hillside occupied by the spectators, and also to the spectators themselves, much as “house” today can refer to the theater building and the audience in that building. Comedy, which was fond of breaking the dramatic illusion, refers directly to theatai (“watchers”) and a related term theomenoi (“those watching”).In modern critical discussions a distinction is made between the academic studies of “drama” and “theater.” A university course or a textbook on “Drama” tends to concentrate more on the text that was performed, that is the words of the text that are recited or read. This approach takes the plays as literature and subjects them to the various sorts of literary theory that exist, and often runs the risk of losing the visual aspect of performance in an attempt to “understand” or elucidate the “meaning” of the text. The reader becomes as important as the watcher, if not more so. Greek drama becomes part of a larger literary approach to drama, and can easily become part of a course on world drama, in which similar principles of literary criticism can be applied to all such texts.But the modern study of  “Theater” goes beyond the basic text as staged or read and has developed a complex theoretical approach that some text-based students find
daunting and at times impenetrable.Mark Fortier writes well: Theater is performance, though often the performance of a dramatic text, and entails not only words but space, actors, props, audience, and the complex relations among these elements . . . Theater, of necessity, involves both doing and seeing, practice and contemplation.Moreover, the word “theory” comes from the same root as “theater.” Theater and theory are both contemplative pursuits, although theater has a practical and a sensuous side which contemplation should not be allowed to overwhelm.* The study of “theater” will concern itself with the experience of producing and watching drama, before, during, and after the actual performance of the text itself.Theatrical critics want to know about the social assumptions and experiences of organizers, authors, performers, judges, and spectators. In classical Athens plays were performed in a public setting, in a theater placed next to the shrine of a god and as part of the worship of that god, in broad daylight where spectators would be conscious of far more than the performance unfolding below of the city and country around them and of their very existence as spectators.

This is meant to be a guide to Greek Drama, rather than to Greek theatrical practice.There have been many first-rate studies over the past twenty years that have called our attention to much more than the words on the stage (or page) to be understood.Our principal concern will be the texts themselves and their authors – and, although such an approach may be somewhat out of date, to the intentions of the authors themselves.
But we do not want to lose sight of the practical elements that Fortier speaks of, especially the visual spectacle that accompanied the enactment of the recited text, for a picture is worth a thousand words, and if we could witness an ancient production, we would learn incalculably more about what the author was doing and how this was received by his original “house.” Knowing the conventions of an ancient theatrical experience can also assist with understanding the text, why certain scenes are written the way they are, why certain characters must leave and enter when they do,why crucial events are narrated rather than depicted.

Drama and the poets

Homer (eighth century) stands not just at the beginning of Greek poetry, but of Western literature as we know it. His two great epic poems in the heroic manner, Iliad (about Achilles, the great Greek hero of the Trojan War) and Odyssey (the return of Odysseus [Ulysses] from that war), did much to provide standard versions of the myths of both gods and men. Homer is the great poet of classical Greece, and his epics (along with those that we call the “epic cycle” – in addition to Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, which we possess, there were several other poems [certainly later than Homer] that completed the story of the Trojan War as well as another complete cycle relating the epic events at Thebes) formed the backdrop to so much later Greek literature,including the dramatists. They would take much of the language, characters,and plots from Homer – Aeschylus is described as serving up “slices from the banquet of Homer,” and the dramatic critic needs to have one eye on Homer at all times, to see what use the poets are making of his seminal material. For example, Homer created a brilliantly whole and sympathetic, if a somewhat unconventional, character in his Odysseus, but for the dramatists of the fifth century Odysseus becomes a onesided figure: the paragon of clever talk and deceit, the concocter of evil schemes, and in one instance (Sophokles’ Ajax) the embodiment of a new and enlightened sort of heroism. Homer’s Achilles is one of the great explorations of what it means to be a truly “tragic” hero, a man whose pursuit of honor leads to the death of his dearest
friend and ultimately his own, but when he appears in Euripides’ Iphigeneia at Aulis,we behold an ineffective youth, full of sound and fury, unable to rescue the damsel in distress. Of the surviving thirty-three plays attri-buted to the tragedians, only two directly overlap with Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey (Euripides’ satyr-drama Cyclops and Rhesos of doubtful authenticity), but we know that several of the lost plays did dramatize Homeric material. Homer may be three centuries earlier than the tragedians of the fifth century, but his influence upon them was seminal. Homer himself was looking back to an earlier age, what we call the late Bronze Age (1500–1100), a tradition which he passed on to the dramatists. Both Homer and the tragedians depict people and stories not of their own time, but of an earlier, lost, and idealized age of heroes.In the seventh and sixth centuries, heroic epic began to yield to choral poetry (often called “lyric,” from its accompaniment by the lyre). These were poems intended to be sung, usually by large groups in a public setting. Particularly important for the study of drama are the grand poets Stesichoros (ca. 600), Bacchylides (career: 510–450),and Pindar (career: 498–ca. 440), who took the traditional tales from myth and retold
them in smaller chunks, with an effort to vary the material that they had inherited.And they used a different meter from Homer, not the epic hexameter sung (chanted?) by a single bard, but elaborate “lyric” meters, intended to be sung by large choruses.None of Stesichoros’ poems has survived intact, but we know of a poem on the Theban story, one of the favorite themes of tragedy; an Oresteia (with significant points of contact with Aeschylus’ Oresteia); and a retelling of the story of Helen that Euripides will take up wholesale in his Helen. One poem by Bacchylides tells the story of Herakles’ death at the hands of his wife in much the same fashion that Sophokles dramatizes in his Trachinian Women (it is not clear whether Bacchylides’ poem or Sophokles’ tragedy is the earlier work) and Pindar in Pythian 11 (474) will anticipate Aeschylus’ Agamemnon (458) by speculating about the various motives of Klytaimestra for killing her husband.


Drama and Athens

We shall be concerned principally with the dramas that were written and performed at Athens, for us the best-known city of the ancient Greek world. But theaters were not exclusive to Athens. A reasonably sized theater of the fifth century can be seen at Argos, and Syracuse, the greatest of the Greek states on Sicily, certainly had an elaborate theater and a tradition of comedy in the early fifth century. In the fourth century a theater was a sine qua non of every Greek city-state, however small, and the production of plays was an international practice throughout the Greek, and later through the Roman world. During Alexander’s great expedition to the East, we know of theatrical performances staged for the entertainment of his army. But it was at Athens in the late sixth and early fifth centuries that the three genres of drama were first formalized
in public competitions.Why did formal drama develop at Athens and not, say, at Corinth or Samos, both
major city-states of the sixth century and centers of culture? It is important to remember that during the sixth century Athens was not the leading city of the Greek world,politically, militarily, economically, or culturally, that she would become in the fifth century. The leading states of the sixth century in the Greek homeland were Sparta,Corinth, Sikyon, and Samos. Athens was an important city, but not really in the same league as these others. By the early sixth century Athens had brought under her central control the region calle “Attica” – the actual Greek is “the Attic land .” This is a triangular peninsula roughly forty miles in length from the height of land that divides Boiotia (dominated by Thebes) from Attica to the south-eastern tip of Cape Sounion,and at its widest expanse about another forty miles. Athens itself lies roughly in the center, no more than thirty miles or so from any outlying point – the most famous distance is that from Athens to Marathon, twenty-six miles and change, the distance run by the runner announcing the victory at Marathon in 490 and that of the modern Marathon race today. Attica itself was not particularly rich agriculturally – the only substantial plains lie around Athens itself and at Marathon – nor does it supply good grazing for cattle or sheep. But in the late sixth century Athens underwent an economic boom, through the discovery and utilization of three products of the Attic soil: olives and olive oil, which rapidly became the best in the eastern Mediterranean; clay for pottery – Athenian vase-ware soon replaced Corinthian as the finest of the day;and silver from the mines at Laureion – the Athenian “owls” (figure 1.1) became a standard coinage of the Eastern Mediterranean.Coupled with this economic advance was the political situation in the late sixth century. The Greeks of the seventh and sixth centuries experienced an uneasy mix of hereditary monarchy, factional aristocracy, popular unrest (at Athens especially over debts and the loss of freedom), and what they called “tyranny.” To us “tyrant” is a pejorative term, like “dictator,” but in Archaic Greece it meant “one-man rule,”usually where that one man had made himself ruler, often rescuing a state from an internal stasis (“civil unrest”). In some versions of the “seven sages” of ancient Greece,the traditional wise men, as many as four tyrants were included. At Athens the tyrant Peisistratos seized power permanently in the mid-540s. He ruled to his death in 528/7, and was succeeded by his son Hippias, who was expelled from Athens in 510 by an alliance of exiled aristocrats and the Spartan kings.

In the fifth century “tyrant” was a dirty word, used in political in-fighting as an accusation to pillory an opponent, and the first use of the practice of ostracism (a state-wide vote to expel a political leader for ten years) in 487 was to exile “friends of the tyrants.” But in the fourth century the age of the tyrants (546–510) was remembered as an “age of Kronos,” a golden age before the defeat of Athens during the democracy. The tyrants in fact set Athens on the road to her future greatness in the fifth century under the democracy. They provided political and economic stability after a period of particularly bitter economic class-conflict in the early sixth century, attracted artists to their court at Athens, including the major poets Anakreon, Simonides, and Bacchylides, inaugurated a building program that would be surpassed only by the grandeur of the Acropolis in the next century, established or enhanced the festival of the Panthenaia, the great celebration of Athene and of Athens, and instituted contests for the recitation of the Homeric poems, establishing incidentally the first “official” text of Homer. What the tyrants did was to quell discontent and
divisions within the state and instill a communal sense of ethnic identity that paved the way for Athens’ greatness in the next century. One other act of the tyrants was the creation of a single festival of Dionysos at Athens, the City Dionysia, which overrode all the local festivals and created one official celebration for the people of Attica.It was at this festival that tragedy was first performed.In this place and against this background drama develops, tragedy first of all, traditionally dated to 534 and thus part of the cultural program of the tyranny, later satyr-play, and finally comedy. We shall see that drama evolved from some sort of choral performance, a melding of song and dance, allegedly the dithyramb for tragedy,dancing satyrs for satyr-drama, and perhaps animal-choruses, phallic dancers, or padded dancers for comedy. The exact details of this development remain obscure, and we can give no firm answer to the question: why Athens? Corinth, for example,was an even more prosperous city in the sixth century and had flourished under its
tyranny. Samos under the tyrant Polykrates in the 520s enjoyed a brilliant artistic life,
but it was at Athens that drama first emerged as a distinct art-form.

The time-frame : The traditional date for the formal introduction of a dramatic form (tragedy) is give as 534 and linked with the shadowy figure of Thespis. For some the evidence for this date is not compelling and a rather lower date (ca. 500) is preferred – the matter will be discussed more fully later. Clearly tragedy was not “invented” overnight and we should postulate some sort of choral performances in the sixth century developing into what would be called “tragedy.” Thus we begin our study of drama in the sixth century, even
though the first extant play (Aeschylus’ Persians) belongs to 472. Like any form of art, drama has its periods, each with its own style and leading poets. The period we know best is that which corresponds with Athens’ ascendancy in the Greek world (479–404), from which we have thirty tragedies, one satyr-drama, one quasi-satyr-drama, and nine comedies, as well as a wealth of fragments and testimonia about lost plays and authors.But drama continued through the fourth century and well into the third. New tragedies continued to be written and performed in the fourth century, but along with the new arose a fascination with the old, and competitions were widened to include an “old” performance. In the third century tragic activity shifted to the scholar-poets of Alexandria, but here it is uncertain whether these tragedies were meant to be read rather than performed, and if performed, for how wide an audience.The evidence suggests strongly that satyr-drama is a later addition to the dramatic festivals; most scholars accept a date of introduction of ca. 501.  Thus satyr-drama is not the primitive dramatic form from which tragedy would develop. In the fifth
century satyr-drama would accompany the performance of the three tragedies by each of the competing playwrights, but by 340 satyr-drama was divorced from the tragic competitions and only one performed at the opening of the festival. Thus at some point during the fourth century satyr-drama becomes its own separate genre.Comedy began later than tragedy and satyr-drama, the canonical first date being the Dionysia of 486. The ancient critics divided comedy at Athens into three distinct chronological phases: Old Comedy, roughly synonymous with the classical fifth century (486 to ca. 385); Middle Comedy (ca. 385–325, or “between Aristophanes and Menander”); New Comedy (325 onward).We have complete plays surviving from the first and third of these periods. The ancients knew also about comedy at Syracuse in the early fifth century and about something from the same period called “Megarian comedy.”

Dates in the history of Greek drama

ca. 600 – Arion “invents” the dithyramb
534 – first official performance of tragedy at Athens (Thespis)
ca. 501 – reorganization of the festival; first official satyr-drama
498 – début of Aeschylus
486 – first official performance of comedy
468 – début of Sophokles
456 – death of Aeschylus
455 – début of Euripides
ca. 440 – introduction of dramatic competitions at the Lenaia
427 – début of Aristophanes
407 – death of Euripides
406 – death of Sophokles
ca. 385 – death of Aristophanes
ca. 330 – building of the stone theater at Athens
325 or 321 – début of Menander
290 – death of Menander

The evidence : We face two distinct problems in approaching the study of Greek drama: the distance in time and culture, and the sheer loss of evidence. In some instances we are dealing with texts that are nearly 2,500 years removed from our own, in a different language and produced for an audience with cultural assumptions very different in some ways from our own. “The past is a foreign country: they do things differently there,” wrote L. P. Hartley, and we should not react to reading (or watching) an ancient Greek drama in the same way that we approach a modern “classic” such as Shakespeare or a contemporary drama. The actual evidence is of four sorts: literary texts, literary testimonia, physical remains of theaters, and visual representations of theatrical scenes. The manuscript tradition and discoveries on papyrus have yielded to date as complete texts: thirty-one tragedies, one satyr-drama, one quasi-satyr-drama, and thirteen comedies. But these belong to only five (perhaps six or seven) distinct playwrights, out of the dozens that we know were active on the Greek stage. We would like to think that Aeschylus,Sophokles, and Euripides (for tragedy), and Aristophanes and Menander (for comedy) were the best at their business, but were they representative of all that the Athenians watched during those two centuries? Within these individual authors we have six or seven plays out of eighty or so by Aeschylus, seven out of 120 by Sophokles, eighteen
out of ninety by Euripides, eleven comedies out of forty by Aristophanes, and only two comedies by Menander out of over a hundred. On what grounds were these selections made, by whom, for whom, and when? Are these selected plays representative of their author’s larger opus? In the case of Euripides we have both a selected collection of ten plays and an alphabetical sequence of nine plays that may be more
indicative of his work as a whole.We do not possess anything at all resembling the folios and quartos of Shakespeare, nor anything remotely close to the scripts of the original production or to the “official” texts that were established by Lykourgos ca. 330 and which then passed to the Library in Alexandria.We have some remains preserved on papyrus from the Roman period (most notably Menander’s The Grouch, virtually complete on a codex from the third century AD), but the earliest manuscripts of Greek drama belong about AD 1000.


Dionysos in Frogs (405) talks blithely of “sitting on his ship reading [Euripides’] Andromeda” and we do know of book-stalls in the fifth century, but these would not have been elaborate “books” in our sense of the word, but very basic texts allowing the reader to re-create his experience in the theater. The manuscripts and papyri present texts in an abbreviated form, with no division between words, changes of speaker often indicated (if at all) by an underlining or a dicolon, no stage directions – almost all the directions in a modern translation are the creation of the translator – and very frequent errors, omissions, and later additions to the text. But they are what we have, and we must make the most of them.In addition to the actual play texts, we have a considerable amount of literary testimonia about the dramatic tradition generally and about individual plays and personalities.Most important is Aristotle’s Poetics, a sketchily written treatise dating from ca. 330, principally on tragedy and epic, but with some general introductory comments on drama. Aristotle was himself not an Athenian by birth, although resident or many years there, and was writing a hundred years after the great period of Attic tragedy. The great question in dealing with Poetics is whether Aristotle knows what he is talking about, or whether he is extrapolating backwards in much the same manner as a modern critic. He did see actual plays performed in the theater, both new dramas of the fourth century and the old dramas of the masters, and he did have access to much documentary material that we lack. An early work of Aristotle’s was his Production Lists, the records of the productions and victories from the inception of
the contests ca. 501. He would have known writers on drama and dramatists, the anecdotes of Ion of Chios, himself a dramatist and contemporary of Sophokles,Sophokles’ own work On the Chorus, and perhaps the lost work by Glaukos of Rhegion (ca. 400), On the Old Poets and Musicians. Thus his raw material would have been far greater than ours. But would this pure data have shed any light on the history of the genre? Was he, at times, just making an educated guess? When Aristotle makes a pronouncement,
we need both to pay attention but also to wonder how secure is the evidence on which he bases that conclusion. His Poetics is partly an analytical breakdown of the genre of tragedy into its component parts and partly a guide for reader and playwright, and contains much that is hard to follow and also controversial: the “end” of tragedy is a katharsis of pity and fear, one can have a tragedy without character but not without plot, the best tragic characters are those who fall into misfortune through some hamartia.(Hamartia is another battleground. When mistranslated as “tragic flaw,” it tends to give Greek tragedy an emphasis on character. It is better rendered as “mistake,” and as such restores Aristotle’s emphasis on plot.) Other useful later sources include the Attic orators of the fourth century, who often cite from the tragic poets to make a rhetorical point. For example, Lykourgos, the fourth-century orator responsible for the rebuilding of the theater at Athens ca. 330, gives us fifty-five lines from Euripides’ lost Erechtheus. The fourth book of the Onomasticon (“Thesaurus”) by Pollux (second century AD) contains much that is useful about the ancient theater, especially a list and description of the masks employed to designate certain type characters of comedy. The Roman architectural writer, Vitruvius (first century AD), has much to say about theatrical buildings especially of the Hellenistic period. Much of what we possess of the lost plays comes in quotations from a wide variety of ancient and mediaeval writers. Two in particular are useful for the student of drama: the learned Athenaios (second century AD), whose Experts at Dining contains a treasury of citations, and Stobaios (fourth–fifth century AD), a collector of quotable passages. The first-century AD scholar, Dion of Prusa, has shed light on the three tragedies on the subject of Philoktetes and the bow of Herakles, by summarizing the plots and styles of all three – we possess only the version by Sophokles (409).

Inscriptions provide another source of written evidence. The ancients loved to post publicly their decrees, rolls of officials, and records of competitions. One inscription contains a partial list of the victors at the Dionysia in dithyramb, comedy, and tragedy (IG ii2 2318), while another presents the tragic and comic victors at both festivals in order of their first victory (IG ii2 2325), and a Roman inscription lists the various
victories of Kallias, a comedian of the 430s, in order of finish (first through fifth).Another group of inscriptions gives invaluable details about the contests at the Dionysia for 341, 340, and 311, including the information that satyr-drama by 340 was performed separately at the start of the festival. Another inscription from the second century records a series of productions starring an individual actor. On the purely physical front, remains of hundreds of Greek and Roman theaters are known, ranging from the major sites of Athens, Delphi, Epidauros, Dodona, Syracuse, and Ephesos to small theaters tucked away in the backwoods and barely known. The actual physical details of a Greek theater will be discussed later, but some general comments are appropriate here. Most of the theaters are not in their fifthcentury condition – major rebuilding took place in the fourth century, in the Hellenistic period (300–30), and especially under Roman occupation. When the tourist or the student visits Athens today, the theater that he or she sees (figure 1.2) is not the
structure that Aeschylus or Aristophanes knew. We see curved stone seats, individual “thrones” in the front row, a paved orchestra floor, and an elaborate raised structure in the middle of the orchestra. The theater of the high classical period had straight benches on the hillside, an orchestra floor of packed earth (an orchestra that may not have been a perfect circle), and a wooden building at the back of the orchestra. We have been spoiled by the classical perfection of the famous theater at Epidauros. At Athens and Syracuse the new theater replaced the old on the same site, while at Argos the impressive and large fourth-century theater was built on a new site, the fifth-century theater being more compact and straight rather than circular. The theaters that we do have, from whatever period of Greek antiquity, do,however, shed invaluable light on the mechanics of production. Audiences were large and sat as a community in the open air – this was not theater of the private enclosed space. Distances were great – from the last row of the theater at Epidauros a performer in the orchestra would appear only inches high. Thus theater of the individual expression was out – impossible in fact since the performers wore masks. But acoustics were superb and directed spectators’ attention to what was being said or sung. Special effects were limited – the word and the gesture carried the force of the drama. The prominence and centrality of the orchestra reflect the importance of the chorus – Greek audiences were used to seeing more rather than fewer performers before them. Most of the visual representations are found on Greek vases. This particular form of Greek art begins to reach its classical perfection with the black figure pottery of the late sixth century (figures appear in black against a red background), and continues with the exquisite red figure (the reverse) of the fifth and fourth centuries. About
520 we start to get representations of performances, usually marked by the presence of an aulos-player, and later scenes from tragedy, satyr-drama, and comedy. There are not many scenes showing a self-conscious performance of tragedy; one vase ca. 430 does show a pair of performers preparing to dress as maenads But from 440 onward vases depict scenes clearly influenced by tragedy: the opening-scenes of Libation Bearers, a series of vases depicting Sophokles’ early tragedy Andromeda, another series reflecting Euripides’ innovative Iphigeneia among the Taurians , the Cleveland Medea , and a striking fourth-century tableau illustrating the opening scenes of Eumenides.One or two of these do show a pillar structure, which some interpret as an attempt to render the skene front. But these are not depicting an actual tragic performance. The characters do not wear masks, males are often shown nude (or nearly so) instead of wearing the elaborate costume of tragedy, and there is no hint of the aulos-player, a sure sign of a representation of performance. For satyr-drama there is the superb Pronomos Vase  from the very end of the fifth century, the equivalent of the modern movie poster, the performers of a satyr-drama by Demetrios in various degrees of their onstage dress, accompanied by the aulos-player, Pronomos.

For comedy the vases show various sorts of performers of something which may have been the predecessor to what would become comedy, principally padded dancers in a celebration (komos) and men performing in animal-choruses. There is not much direct evidence from the fifth century. A vase (ca. 420) showing a comic performer on a raised platform before two spectators may or may not reflect a performance in the theater; it might equally well reflect a private performance at a symposium. But there is a wealth of vases from the fourth century, principally from the south of Italy, which show grotesquely masked and padded comic performers with limp and dangling phalloi in obviously humorous situations. For a long time these were thought to be representations of a local Italian low comedy called “phlyakes,” but it is now accepted
that these reflect Athenian Old Comedy which, contrary to established belief, did travel and was reproduced in the Greek cities of southern Italy. Some of these vases show a raised stage with steps and the double door of drama, and are plainly illustrating an actual stage performance. The most famous of these are the Würzburg Telephos, a vase from about 370 which depicts a scene from Aristophanes’ Women at the Thesmophoria (411); a vase by Assteas (ca. 350) showing a scene from Eupolis’ lost comedy, Demes (417); and the Choregoi vase, which seems to show figures from both comedy and tragedy. Sculptural representations of drama are much less common, but we do have a relief from the late fifth century featuring three actors holding masks before Dionysos and consort – some have conjectured that this is the cast of Euripides’ prize-winning Bacchae. One rich source of visual evidence is terracotta masks from various periods that shed valuable light on the nature of comic masks. Scenes from the comedy of Menander (career: 325–290) were often part of the decoration of ancient houses, most notably the so-called “House of Menander” in Pompeii (destroyed in AD 79 by the eruption of Vesuvius) and a third-century AD house in Mytilene on Lesbos, where eleven mosaics remain, with named characters that allow us to identify the exact scene in at least two comedies.

Πέμπτη 22 Μαρτίου 2012

The Literature of Classical Greece

The golden age of classical Greece lasted from the early fifth to the late fourth century BC,
and was concentrated in Asia Minor and the Greek Isles. Although this era ended nearly
2,500 years ago, the influence of its civilization can still be felt in today’s world. It is
particularly apparent in the realm of literature, where modern Western literary traditions owe
much to classical and ancient Greek myths and traditions.
Classical Greek literature developed out of an even older tradition of oral storytelling. For
centuries, literacy was rare, and oral storytelling was the only way to transmit information to
large groups of people. To aid the memory, wandering poets would set histories, legends, and
religious stories into verse. Other poets would then memorize these epics, and the
information could be passed on to the next generation. Such poems were generally set to
music and sung, sometimes with the accompaniment of instruments or simple dances. These
performances provided entertainment and education at the same time.

Around the eighth century BC, a poet who lived in Asia Minor began preserving these ballads
and epic tales in writing. Although historical evidence is scanty, it is generally believed that
this literary pioneer was named Homer. The famous heroic epic poems The Iliad and The
Odyssey are both the work of this skilled poet. They are some of the earliest examples of
Greek literature that have survived to this day, and are of interest to scholars not only for their
historical value, but for the beauty of their language and imagery.
In the centuries after Homer, Greek literature continued to develop. Literacy became more
common, but poetry remained the most popular way of spreading information to the people.
The manner in which the poems were presented, however, became more sophisticated. While the early poems of the Homeric age were set to music and performed by the poet, sometimes with the aid of instruments or dance, the poems of the sixth century BC had developed into something more like plays. An actor would take turns reciting the lines of a poem with a
chorus, or group of dancers. Often the actor and the members of the chorus would wear masks, and the chorus would complement the poetry with interpretive dances.

These new plays were generally performed at festivals honoring gods and goddesses, or
celebrations of seasonal events, such as the first grain harvest or the summer rains. Formal
competitions, where poets and playwrights would submit their work and vie for prizes,
became popular. One of the most famous of these was the Great Dionysia, held during a
springtime festival in Athens to honor the god Dionysus.In the early years of the fifth century, Greek literature, theater, and culture began to blossom, and great advances were made in the sciences and the arts. The world of Greek literature was affected greatly, and several distinct varieties of dramatic poetry began to appear. The standard heroic epics of previous centuries were replaced by increasingly sophisticated tragic and comic plays with elaborate plots, character development, and production techniques.Although these two types of plays were staged in very similar ways, they differed greatly in content. Tragic plays, despite the name, were not necessarily sad. They were earnestly dramatic, and dealt with a range of complex and serious topics such as psychology,philosophy, and morality. Comic plays, on the other hand, were filled with bawdy and raucous jokes, and were intended to provoke laughter and to entertain. Despite their light and
humorous presentation, some of the better comic playwrights used these plays to express
genuine and serious political and social commentary.

Both these types of plays benefited greatly from the innovations in technique introduced by
the fifth-century tragic playwright Aeschylus. His contributions to tragic Greek theater were
so great that he is still remembered as the Father of Tragedy. An incredibly popular and
original playwright, he introduced the idea of having multiple actors on the stage at one time,
and pioneered the idea of using costumes and visual effects such as paintings and scenery.
His work changed forever the way Greeks would view poetry and theater.
Aeschylus was only the first of the great classic Greek dramatists. The generation that
followed brought several other talented and powerful tragic playwrights. The most famous of
these were Sophocles and Euripides. Both writers did much to expand the traditionally simple
expectations of characters in plays. Sophocles’ plays feature incredibly strong-willed, modern
characters who struggle with serious moral concerns, and Euripides wrote some of the most
chilling psychological dramas of classical Greece.
Comic theater also had its hero. A generation younger than Sophocles and Euripides, the
comic playwright Aristophanes is today regarded as the best of the classic comic playwrights.

His sometimes absurd, and sometimes elegant plays demonstrate a great skill in mixing
comedy with honest and sincere ideas. Aristophanes’ plays certainly contain many wild and
vulgar jokes, yet they also discuss serious concerns of his time, such as politics, art, and
education. His work provides modern readers with some of the clearest images of the life and
daily affairs of fifth-century Greeks.
This literary revolution in the early part of the fifth century was not limited to the stage. The
world of philosophy also experienced an awakening. Skills such as oration, logic, and
rhetoric were polished, and the study of mathematics and the sciences was encouraged.
Philosophers such as Socrates became famous for wandering about the city of Athens,
engaging students and scholars in lively academic debates about morality and politics.
Socrates’ most famous pupil, Plato, wrote a number of books and dialogs in which he
explains the philosophy and thoughts of his teacher, and goes on to develop the ideas further.
His work—which deals with a wide range of theoretical concerns, such as politics, ethics, and
the importance of friendship—is invaluable for modern scholars who wish to understand the
ancient Greek mindset.

Another very well-known philosopher of the time was Aristotle. Aristotle was, in his turn, a
pupil of Plato’s, and is best known for his numerous texts dealing with the natural sciences.
Interested in almost every conceivable topic, Aristotle left behind texts detailing his thoughts
and questions on physics and astronomy, as well as meteorology, sleep patterns, raising
animals, and numerous other subjects.
The age of classical Greece drew to a close with the end of the fourth century BC. Yet
through its literature, classical Greece still has an enormous effect on modern Western
thought and traditions. Almost all Western literature, from histories to romance novels, from
thrillers to poetry, is rooted in classical Greek traditions. Many of the themes present in those
ancient plays and poems are in fact still popular in modern literature. And even those plays
that deal with uniquely modern themes still owe much in the way of technique and style to
the golden age of Greece.

Σάββατο 18 Φεβρουαρίου 2012

Let there be light - The first theories of creation

THE AGE OF MYTHS AND SPECULATIONS
And God said, Let there be light, and there was light.
   --Genesis 1:3
For thousands of years men have looked up into the star-filled night sky and have wondered about the nature of the "fixed" stars as opposed to that of the five planets wandering among the constellations of the zodiac. The daily course of the sun, its brilliance and heat, and the passing of the seasons are among the central problems that have concerned every human society. Undoubtedly, the appearance of a comet or a shooting star, the passing phenomena of clouds and rain and lightning, the Milky Way, the changing phases of the moon and the eclipses--all of these must have caused quite a sense of wonder and been the source of endless discussions.

Faced with this confusing multiplicity of brute facts, beyond their physical power to control, our ancestors sought to master these unrelated phenomena symbolically by picturing the universe in terms of objects familiar to them so as to make clear the unfamiliar and the unexplained. The cosmologies that these men set up thus inevitably reflect the physical and intellectual environment in which they lived.Physical cosmology arose in the Greek colonies of the eastern Mediterranean and of southern Italy during the sixth century B.C. It flourished in Athens during the next two centuries, whence it passed on to Alexandria, which became the center of Hellenistic culture for several centuries.
Unfortunately, although that golden age saw great advances in observational astronomy and mathematics, physics did not keep pace with these sciences. Thus, lacking a firm theoretical base and constrained by metaphysical dogma, physical cosmology stagnated at the dawn of the Christian era until resurrected in the Renaissance. This period, which was essentially the transition of the medieval to the modern order, saw the beginning of a great burst of critical speculation about nature and with it the emergence of two most promising ideas--the demotion of the earth from its position as the center of motion of the universe, and the existence of an infinite universe populated with an infinity of worlds. The times were not ripe for the general acceptance of these ideas, however, since it was not until late into the seventeenth century that the new science of dynamics and the law of gravitation made the age-old geocentric universe obsolete.
   
ANCIENT EGYPT AND THE MIDDLE EAST

In the many stories recorded in texts of the third and second millennia B.C. in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and neighboring countries, the tales of creation are presented as a series of births and cosmic battles among the gods. The mother country is always represented as the center, the earth being a flat disk surrounded by a rim of mountains and floating on an ocean.
The Egyptians believed that in the beginning a primordial abysmal ocean, deified as Nun, filled the universe like a cosmic egg. Just as the Nile floodwaters receded, leaving behind fertile lands, so a primeval hill rose out of Nun. In a Heliopolitan text on papyrus from the fifth dynasty (c. 2500-2350 B.C.), Atun--a predynastic sun-god, later identified with the sun-god Ra--arose out of the abyss. He created a son, Shu--god of wind or air--and a daughter, Tefnut--goddess of lifegiving dew. Shu and Tefnut begot the twins Geb and Nut. Nut was the sky-goddess. She was sometimes pictured as an elongated woman bending over the earth-god Geb and separated from him by her father Shu. To the Egyptians, the sky was a heavenly Nile, along which the barque of the sun-god Ra sailed from east to west each day. (The sun was occasionally thrown into an eclipse when his barque was attacked by a great serpent.) Below, the earth-god Geb was lying prone in the center of a circular ocean, the Nile flowing through the fertile lands of Egypt and into the subterranean abode of the dead through which the night-barque of the sun-god Ra sailed. It was also believed that the sky-goddess Nut swallowed the sun each evening but that it was reborn from her lions each monring. Then, as the sun rose in the sky, she would swallow the stars and give birth to them again at sunset.
The theory that the shape of the universe resulted from the forceful separation of heaven from earth by a third party was also adopted in Mesopotamia.

It is recorded in the great Babylonian epic called, from its opening sentence, Enuma Elish, "When above . . . ." The composition of its earliest known version goes back to the middle of the second millennium B.C., but we know that it had its roots in an ancient Sumerian story of about 3000 B.C. It seems that Enlil, the city-god of Nippur, was the original hero of the epic and that he was merely replaced by Marduk, the city-god of Babylon, when the later version was composed. This epic was extremely popular since, later on, an Assyrian version of the first millennium B.C. substituted the name of Ashur, the national god of the Assyrians, for that of Marduk. It is recorded on seven clay tablets.

Enuma Elish presents the earliest stage of the universe as one of watery chaos. This chaos was closely modeled on the Iraqi seashore, with large pools of sweet water mingling freely with the salty waters of the Persian Gulf, and with low banks of clouds hanging over the horizon. It consisted of Apsu (the sweetwater ocean), his wife Tiamat (the saltwater ocean), and their son Mummu (the cloud banks and mist rising from the two bodies of water). The myth of creation relates how the primordial forces of chaos bore the other gods of the Mesopotamian pantheon who, in turn, created the earth and the heaven. One of these gods was Ea. To make a long story short, after overcoming Apsu and Mummu, the god Ea fathered Marduk, who possessed outstanding qualities and so was chosen by the gods to fight the remaining evil forces of chaos. After an epic combat, Marduk pierced Tiamat's heart with an arrow and smashed her skull with his mace. Then he completed creation, making half of her dead body into the sky and placing the other half beneath the earth. After his victory, Marduk put the universe in order and organized the calendar. Thus, on the sky he had fashioned he set up the constellations to determine, by their rising and setting, the years, the months, and the days. On both sides of the sky, where the sun comes out in the morning and leaves in the evening, he built gates and secured them with strong locks. Marduk also made the moon shine forth and entrusted the night to her. (It is to be regretted that the only extant clay tablet dealing with the creation and organization of the heavenly bodies breaks off at the point where it reports some detailed orders to the moon.) Then, according to the last two tablets, Marduk decided to create man and to impose upon him the service which the defeated forces of chaos had to render to the gods.

It has long been recognized that Enuma Elish contains several points that invite comparison with the biblical account of creation which was compiled by the Priestly school during the fifth century B.C. Indeed, Enuma Elish and Genesis (1:1-2:3) both refer to a watery chaos, which was separated into heaven and earth. However, in Genesis it is the Spirit of God which hovers over the waters and divides the light from the darkness; thus, as is fitting to a monotheistic religion, He alone created the heavens and the earth. Both texts also refer to the existence of light and to the alternation of day and night before the creation of the celestial luminaries. And in both texts the succession of creative acts virtually follows in the same order, culminating in the creation of mankind. At this juncture it is worth noting that the Koran, which was written during the first half of the seventh century A.D., also presents an elaborate account of creation that shows quite evident biblical traces. Thus, in sura 21:30 we learn that "the heavens and the earth used to be one entity, and then (God) parted them"; whereas in sura 71:15-16 we are told that "God created seven heavens in layers" and that "He placed the moon therein as a light and the sun as a lamp." The creation of the heavens and the earth in six days, which is mentioned in sura 7:54, also finds its counterpart in Genesis.
   
IONIA: THE EASTERN GREEK SCHOOL

Before the sixth century B.C. and the time of rationalism heralded by Ionian philosophers, Greek cosmologies were dependent on traditions that came from more ancient civilizations. The first records containing the early Greek ideas are due to Homer and Hesiod. Homer's two epics, the Iliad and Odyssey, are mainly devoted to the Trojan war and to the return of Ulysses in his homeland. Hesiod, the father of Greek didactic poetry, probably flourished during the eighth century B.C. His poem Theogony tells of the generations of the gods and attempts in mythical terms to provide an account of the events that brought the world into being. His other poem Works and Days resembles a modern almanac in that it correlates the agricultural work to be done with the rising or setting of certain stars. Both HOMER and HESIOD agree upon the fact that the earth is a circular disk surrounded by the river Oceanus. Over the flat earth is the vault of heaven; below the earth is Tartarus, the realm of the underworld. The vault of heaven remains forever fixed; the sun, the moon, and the stars move round under it, rising from Oceanus in the east and plunging into it again in the west. We are not told what happens to the heavenly bodies between their setting and rising. They cannot pass under the earth, however, because Tartarus is never lit up by the sun. Possibly they float round Oceanus, past the north, to the points where they rise again in the east.

The great achievement of the Ionian philosophers--Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes--was that of dissipating the haze of myth from the origins of the world. The three of them flourished during the sixth century B.C. in Miletus --a rich Greek city on the Aegean, near the mouth of the Maeander River. Tradition tells that Thales (c. 624-547 B.C.) was a man of great versatility: successful businessman, statesman, engineer, mathematician, and astronomer. Anaximander (c. 611-547 B.C.), who was the successor and probably pupil of Thales, was the first to have developed anything like a cosmological system; he was also the first among the Greeks who ventured to draw a map of the inhabited earth. It seems almost certain that Anaximenes (c. 585-528 B.C.), the younger contemporary of Anaximander, was the first to distinguish the planets from the "fixed" stars in respect of their irregular movements; he also extended Anaximander's ideas on cosmology.

THALES thought the earth to be a circular or cylindrical disk that floated on the cosmic ocean, like a log or a cork, and was surrounded by its waters. So far as we can judge of his views of the universe, he would appear to have regarded water as the world's fundamental element. In this conception, therefore, far above the solid earth floating on a mass of water stands the vault of heaven, which is also bounded by the primeval waters. As a matter of fact, the significance of this cosmology does not lie so much in the primacy of water as in the attempt to search for causes within nature itself rather than in supernatural events.
ANAXIMANDER offered a much more detailed picture of the world. He maintained that the earth was in the center of all things, suspended freely and without support, whereas Thales regarded it as resting on water. Anaximander's earth had the shape of a cylinder, round like a stone pillar, its height being one-third of its diameter. Still more original was his conception of the sun, moon, and stars, and of their motions. Indeed, these celestial bodies were not thought to be objects but holes in rotating hoops filled with fire.

To be specific, Anaximander's stars are compressed portions of air, in the shape of rotating hoops filled with fire, that emit visible flames from small openings, thereby producing what we see as the stars. The hoops belonging to the sun, the moon, and the stars were probably assumed to be concentric with the earth. The sun is thus a rotating hoop full of fire, which lets its fire shine out through an opening like the tube of a blowpipe. The moon sometimes appears as waxing, sometimes as waning, to an extent corresponding to the opening or closing of the passages in its hoop. The eclipses of the sun and the moon occur when the openings in their hoops are shut up. For some philosophical reason, however, the radius of the solar hoop is twenty-seven times as large as the earth, whereas that of the lunar hoop is eighteen times as large as the earth. Surprisingly, the hoops from which the stars and planets shine are nearer to the earth than that of the moon. Despite some obvious shortcomings, this cosmological system represents a definite improvement over previous ones since, instead of moving laterally round the earth, the heavenly bodies describe circles passing under the earth, which is freely suspended in space.

For ANAXIMENES the earth is still flat but, instead of resting on nothing, it is supported by air. The sun, the moon, and the planets are all made of fire, and they ride on the air because of their breadth. The sun derives its heat from its rapid motion, whereas the stars, which are also composed of fire, fail to give warmth because they are too far off. It is also assumed that the stars are fastened on a crystal sphere, like nails or studs. Obviously, a definite improvement on Anaximander's system is the relegation of the stars to a more distant region than that in which the sun moves. And, as we know, the rigidity of the sphere of the fixed stars remained the fundamental postulate of all astronomy up to the beginning of modern science.
Highly speculative theories about the nature of the heavenly bodies were also proposed by Xenophanes (c. 570-478 B.C.) of Colophon and Heraclitus (c. 540-480 B.C.) of Ephesus. XENOPHANES was more a poet and satirist than a natural philosopher. According to him, the stars (including the comets and shooting stars) are made of clouds set on fire; they are extinguished each day and are kindled at night like coals, and these happenings constitute their setting and rising, respectively. The sun and the moon are also made of clouds set on fire. On the contrary, HERACLITUS assumes that the stars are bowls turned with their concave sides toward us, which collect bright exhalations arising from the earth and from the sea, thus producing flames. The sun and the moon are also bowl shaped, like the stars, and are thus similarly lit up.
   
SOUTHERN ITALY: THE WESTERN GREEK SCHOOL

Much more remarkable developments were to follow in the great colonies of southern Italy. The dominant figure is undoubtedly Pythagoras, who gave his name to an order of scientific and religious thinkers. He was an Ionian, born at Samos about 572 B.C. The important part of his career began about the year 530 B.C. with his migration to Crotona, a Dorian colony in southern Italy. Political reaction against his brotherhood brought about his retirement to Metapontum, on the Gulf of Taranto, where he died at the turn of the fifth century B.C.
PARMENIDES of Elea, who was a contemporary of Heraclitus, is said to have been the first to assert that the earth is spherical in shape and lies in the center of the universe. There is, however, an alternative tradition stating that it was PYTHAGORAS who first held that the universe, the earth, and the other heavenly bodies are spherical in shape, that the earth is at rest at the center, and that the sphere of the fixed stars has a daily rotation from east to west about an axis passing through the center of the earth. Pythagoras and his immediate successors left no written exposition of their doctrines. Thus, although it is most likely that Pythagoras arrived at geocentrism and the rotundity of the earth from mathematical considerations, Parmenides--who was closely connected with the Pythagoreans--may have been the first to state the doctrine publicly.

It is improbable, however, that Pythagoras himself was responsible for the astronomical system known as Pythagorean, which reduces the earth to the status of a planet like the others. This cosmology is often attributed to PHILOLAUS of Crotona, who flourished in the latter half of the fifth century B.C.
The Pythagorean system may be described briefly as follows. The universe is spherical in shape and finite in size. At its center is the central fire, in which is located the governing principle--the force that moves the celestial bodies, including the earth, on their circular paths. The outer boundary of the sphere is an envelope of fire, which is called Olympus; below this is the universe. In the universe there revolve in circles round the central fire the following bodies. Nearest to the central fire revolves a body called the counterearth, which always accompanies the earth, the earth's orbit coming next to that of the counterearth; next to the earth, reckoning in order from the central fire outward, come the moon, the sun, the five planets, and last of all, outside the orbits of the planets, the sphere of the fixed stars.

Philolaus explained that the Greeks had never seen the central fire nor the counterearth because the earth turned so as always to place their country away from those objects. Such a situation implies that the earth is rotating around its axis in the same time as it takes the earth to complete a revolution around the central fire. Obviously, this was a giant step forward since it provided a simple explanation for the apparent daily motion of all celestial objects. What evidence motivated Philolaus to include a counterearth is not clear, however, but it could have been invented for the purpose of explaining the frequency of eclipses of the moon. Arguably, it could have been added to bring the number of celestial objects up to ten, the perfect number according to the Pythagoreans.

It is worth noting that the sun is not a body with light of its own in this cosmological model. Instead, the sun is made of a substance comparable to glass that concentrates rays of fire from elsewhere and transmits them to us. It is not stated, however, whether these rays of fire come from Olympus or from the central fire. A similar conception for the nature of the sun has been attributed also to EMPEDOCLES (c. 490-430 B.C.) of Acragas in Sicily. More importantly, Empedocles advocated the idea that there are four primary substances--fire, air, water, and earth--out of which all the structures in the world are made by their combination in different proportions.
   
THE ATHENIAN PERIOD

During the first half of the fifth century B.C., both the Ionian and the Italian schools of natural philosophy were progressively overshadowed by Athens, which became for two centuries the intellectual center of the Greek world. The Ionian ANAXAGORAS seems to have been the first natural philosopher to move to Athens. He was born in Clazomenae, near modern Izmir, about 500 B.C. He came to Athens about the year 464 B.C., where he enjoyed the friendship of the statesman Pericles (490-429 B.C.). However, when Pericles became unpopular during the late 430s B.C., shortly before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, he was attacked through his friends; and so Anaxagoras was prosecuted on a charge of impiety for holding that the sun is a red-hot mass and the moon like earth. According to one account of the events, Pericles managed to save him, but Anaxagoras was forced to leave Athens. Eventually, he withdrew to Lampsacus in Asia Minor, near modern Gallipoli, where he died about 428 B.C. This is an early case of persecution of scientific ideas opposed to current views.

His greatest achievement was the discovery of the fact that the moon does not shine by its own light but is illuminated by the sun. As a result, he was able to give the correct explanation of eclipses. He thus held that the eclipses of the moon were caused by its falling within the shadow of the earth, which then comes between the sun and the moon, while the eclipses of the sun were due to the interposition of the moon. Whether he reached the true explanation of the phases of the moon is much more doubtful, however.
Anaxagoras also developed a cosmological system according to which the formation of the world began as a huge vortex set up by a deus ex machina in the primordial chaos. From the violence of this whirling motion, which is still visible on the sky, he was able to explain the formation of the earth and, thence, of the heavenly bodies. In his view, therefore, the initial vortex caused the heavy earth to collect at the center of the world while the surrounding ether tore stones away from the earth and kindled them into planets and stars revolving around us. Obviously, this is an indefinitely expanding universe since there is no spatial limit set to the expansion of the ripples from the initial vortex. Parenthetically note that another cosmogony initiated by a vortex was suggested by his contemporary LEUCIPPUS of Miletus, with an infinity of atoms taking the place of Anaxagoras' initial mixed mass in which "all things were together." There is also the difference that material and space are supposed to be limitless so that there would be an unlimited number of worlds similar to our own world-system in the universe.

Apart from these remarkable innovations, Anaxagoras did not improve much upon the earlier Ionian theories. Following Anaximenes, he thus assumed that the earth was flat and supported by air; and that the sun, the moon, and all the stars were stones on fire. However, he also held the view that the moon was of earthy nature and had in it plains, mountains, and ravines. According to Anaxagoras, the sun was "rather larger than the Peloponnese."

At this juncture it is worth noting that Anaxagoras also put forward a very original hypothesis to explain the Milky Way. As we have seen, he thought the sun to be smaller than the earth. Hence, when the sun in its revolution passes under the earth during the night, the shadow cast by the earth extends without limit. Since the stars within this shadow are not illuminated by the sun, it follows that we can see them shining; those stars, on the other hand, that are outside this shadow are overpowered by the rays of the sun, which shines on them even during the night, so that we cannot see them. According to Anaxagoras, the Milky Way is the reflection of the light of those stars that the sun cannot see when it is passing below the earth. Although this conjecture can be easily disproved by observation, it was supported by DEMOCRITUS (c. 460-370 B.C.) of Abdera. As far as we know, Democritus seems to have been the first to appreciate the true character of the Milky Way as a multitude of faint stars so close together that it has the appearance of a continuous body of light.
Important for subsequent astronomical developments were the Athenian Plato (c. 427-347 B.C.) and his pupil Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), who was born at Stagira, a Greek colonial town on the Aegean near modern Salonika. Although Plato is primarily known as a philosophical writer, he himself probably felt that the foundation of the Academy in about 387 B.C. was his chief work. Aristotle entered the Academy in about 367 B.C. and worked there for twenty years by the side of Plato. After acting for some years as tutor to the young Alexander (356-323 B.C.) in Macedonia, he returned to Athens to found his own institute of higher education, the Lyceum, which came to be known as the Peripatetic School from the path in his garden where he walked and talked with his pupils.

The importance of PLATO, so far as the development of astronomy is concerned, is to be sought in his appreciation of the role of mathematics in making intelligible the motions of the heavenly bodies. Tradition tells that the motto "Let none who has not learned geometry enter here" was inscribed over the entrance of the Academy. Following in this the Pythagoreans, the apparently irregular motions of the planets had, in his opinion, to be accounted for in terms of combinations of uniform circular motions only. This was to become the main task of astronomers from his time to the dawn of the seventeenth century--a stretch of two thousand years.

EUDOXUS (c. 408-355 B.C.) of Cnidus, who came to Athens at the age of twenty-three where he heard Plato and the sophists, is one of the key figures in the history of Greek astronomy. His most influential contribution was his cosmological model based on concentric spheres centered on the earth, which is itself a sphere at rest. Thus, each heavenly body is attached to the surface of an imaginary invisible sphere which is rotating uniformly around a fixed direction. Each sphere is itself attached to a larger sphere rotating around another axis. The secondary spheres could be succeeded, in turn, by a set of interlocking spheres according to the observed positions of each heavenly body. In this representation, twenty-seven spheres in all were considered sufficient: three each for the sun and moon, four for each of the five planets, and one for the fixed stars. Further improvements were made by CALLIPPUS (c. 370-300 B.C.) of Cyzicus, who added further imaginary spheres to the model, making use of thirty-four concentric spheres in all.

Of great interest also is the work of ARISTOTLE, since his picture of the universe was to become the orthodox view of cosmology in the universities of western Europe from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century. In his astronomy, Aristotle builds upon the mathematical results of Eudoxus and Callippus in their use of concentric spheres centered on the earth. However, what were for these astronomers mere mathematical devices of representation are regarded byhim as physical entities. The heavenly bodies must also be thought of as composed of a distinctive ethereal substance, different from the objects found below the sphere of the moon. The latter alone are made of varying combinations of earth, water, air, and fire. Beyond the moon's orbit, both the visible heavenly bodies and their invisible spheres are therefore composed of a fifth element, a special ether, the movement of which is always circular. Finally, beyond all these spheres is the outermost heaven, the primum movens, that communicates its motion to the whole system. Aristotle's world is of finite extent and has neither beginning nor end.

If so, then, by what mechanism do the sun, stars, and planets shine? This problem is also discussed in Aristotle's treatise De caelo (On the heavens), where it is argued that the warmth and light that proceed from the heavenly bodies are caused by friction set up by their motion. According toAristotle, therefore, the heavenly bodies are not themselves fiery, as was suggested by the Ionian philosophers. Rather, they shine because they are carried on moving spheres, so that the substance underneath the sphere of each of them is necessarily heated by its motion, and particularly in that part where the body is attached to its sphere. In his treatise Meteorologica, Aristotle further argues that the sun's motion alone is sufficient to produce heat in the place where we live because it moves swiftly and is not so far off as the stars. In his own terms: "For a motion that is to have this effect must be rapid and near, and that of the stars is rapid but distant, while that of the moon is near but slow, whereas the sun's motion combines both conditions in a sufficient degree."
Another brilliant pupil of Plato was HERACLIDES PONTICUS (c. 388-315 B.C.) of Heraclea on the Black Sea (present-day Eregli, Turkey). His great advance in astronomy was his suggestion that the earth is in the center of the universe and rotates around an axis while the sphere of the fixed stars is at rest. This is clearly at variance with the views held by Aristotle. Heraclides has often been credited also with the claim that Venus and Mercury circle round the sun like satellites, but recent studies have revealed this interpretation of ancient texts to be without rational basis. Actually, the first clear evidence for such a hypothesis in relation to the motion of the inner planets is found in the works of THEON of Smyrna, who flourished in the early part of the second century A.D.

Throughout antiquity, natural philosophers were also divided on many other aspects of Aristotelian cosmology, such as the finitude of the universe and the continuity of matter. Indeed, although the Athenian philosopher EPICURUS (341-270 B.C.) of Samos was especially celebrated for his ethical teaching, he contributed to cosmology by holding the views that the universe has no limit and that "nothing can arise out of nothing and nothing can be reduced to nothing." Following the doctrines of Leucippus and Democritus regarding the atoms and the void, he also taught that the number of these irreducible particles of matter and the extent of empty space are infinite. According to Epicurus, the universe therefore consists of numberless worlds strewn throughout an infinite void, with all matter composed of atoms and regulated by natural laws. His most eminent Roman advocate was the poet and philosopher LUCRETIUS (c. 95-55 B.C.), whose poem De rerum natura (On the nature of things) is the fullest statement extant of the atomist theory. However, about the same time Epicurus established his cosmology, another system of philosophy was founded by ZENO (c. 320-250 B.C.) of Citium in Cyprus, who came to Athens and set up a school in a roofed colonnade called a stoa. The Stoics were also ready to accept that space by its nature is edgeless; however, they argued for a rival cosmological system consisting of a finite starry universe surrounded by a void of infinite extent which is regularly drawn into it and then exhaled. The void is actually needed to provide a region in which the universe, as a living creature, continually breathes in and out in its entirety. Specifically, the Stoics regarded the physical world as a dynamical continuum, made coherent by the all-pervading pneuma, a mixture of air and fire, which imparts to matter its structure and all physical qualities. Through its inherent tensions the pneuma was also thought to constitute a kind of elastic medium for the propagation of physical action in the universe as a whole. The Epicurean and Stoic systems--that is, atomism and continuum theory--greatly influenced the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century.
   
THE ALEXANDRIAN PERIOD

While Aristotle was teaching in Athens, his former pupil Alexander of Macedonia was carving out a large military empire that brought Greek science into direct contact with the older sources of culture in the East. When Alexander died in 323 B.C., his empire broke down, and Egypt was seized by Ptolemy, one of his generals. Alexandria, which was founded byAlexander in 332 B.C., became the capital of Egypt during the reigns of Ptolemy and his successors. The Ptolemies were patrons of learning; they founded the Museum, temple of the Muses, which contained a large library and an observatory, and the city soon became the center of Greek scientific thought.

Among the earlier members of the Alexandrian school was ARISTARCHUS (c. 310-230 B.C.) of Samos, who was the first to put forward the heliocentric hypothesis. Although his original text is no longer extant, his most important witness is ARCHIMEDES (287-212 B.C.) of Syracuse, who made explicit mention ofAristarchus' contribution in his treatise Arenarius, noting that "his hypotheses are that the fixed stars and the sun remain unmoved, that the earth revolves about the sun in the circumference of a circle, the sun lying in the middle of the orbit." On this ground the Stoic philosopher CLEANTHES (c. 301-232 B.C.) declared that it was the duty of Greeks to indict Aristarchus on the charge of impiety for putting in motion the hearth of the universe.

About a century later, the heliocentric hypothesis was also rejected by the greatest of observational astronomers of antiquity, HIPPARCHUS (c. 190-120 B.C.) of Nicaea in Asia Minor. The reasons that weighed with Hipparchus were presumably the facts that a system in which the sun was the exact center did not seem to account for the variations of distance and the irregularities of planetary motion; that the theory of epicycles did apparently suffice to describe the phenomena; and that the latter could be reconciled with the commonly held view according to which the earth was immobile.

When Hipparchus came to examine suitable kinematic patterns for the planets, he had before him the techniques of the eccentric circle and epicycle. The simple device that was found satisfactory in the case of the sun was the use of an eccentric, that is, a circular orbit whose center does not coincide with the position of the observer on the earth. However, a more enduring solution was broached by a pure mathematician, APOLLONIUS (c. 240-170 B.C.) of Perga, who lived for some time in Alexandria. In this approach each planet moves uniformly on a small circle, called the epicycle, whose center moves on a larger circle, called the deferent. The epicyclic view largely prevailed through the mediation of Claudius Ptolemaeus, commonly known as PTOLEMY, who flourished in Alexandria about the middle of the second century A.D. (He was not related to the ruling dynasty of the Ptolemies.) His great treatise, later known as the Almagest,7 largely refines upon the work of his predecessors, notably Hipparchus, and brings to a systematic culmination all the efforts of Greek astronomy. The Almagest also contains a catalog giving the ecliptical coordinates and magnitudes of 1,022 stars, based in part on the lost catalog by Hipparchus. In a later book, Hypotheses of the Planets, Ptolemy attempted to produce a physical system that would fulfill the requirements of both the mathematical theory expounded in the Almagest and his philosophy of nature.8 The basic idea was to assume that the planets were carried around by a sequence of nested eccentric shells (of an invisible ethereal substance), within each of which the epicycles would revolve. This geocentric and epicyclic representation of the world remained virtually unchanged until the Renaissance.

Another important advance in astronomy was made when Aristarchus attempted to measure the relative distances of the sun and moon from the earth, and their sizes relative to each other. He knew that the light of the moon was reflected from the sun. Accordingly, if in figure 1.3 the points O, S, and M denote, respectively, the observer and the centers of the sun and moon, the moon appears to the observer half full when the angle OMS is a right angle. When this is the case, the observer can measure the angle MOS. With a knowledge of the angles at the points M and O, the relative lengths of the sides OS and OM can be obtained, thus giving at once the relative distances of the sun and moon from the observer.
Aristarchus made the angle MOS about 87°. Lacking the tools provided by trigonometry, he used purely geometrical reasoning to estimate that the distance to the sun was from 18 to 20 times that of the moon, whereas the correct value is about 390. Aristarchus further estimated that the apparent sizes of the sun and moon were about equal, and correctly inferred that the relative sizes of these bodies were in proportion to their distances. By a method based on eclipse observations, which was afterward developed by Hipparchus, he also found that the diameter of the moon was about one-third that of the earth, a result not far from true. Thus, in spite of large observational errors, Aristarchus was nevertheless able to show convincingly that, while the moon is smaller than the earth, the sun is much larger.

To ERATOSTHENES (c. 276-194 B.C.) of Cyrene, who was librarian of the Museum at Alexandria, we owe one of the first scientific estimates of the earth's radius. He knew that at noon at the summer solstice the sun threw no shadow at Syene (near modern Aswan), while at the same hour at Alexandria the angular distance of the sun from the zenith was about 7°. Now, if in figure 1.4 the point S denotes the sun, the points A and B Alexandria and Syene, respectively, the point O the center of the earth, and AZ the direction of the zenith, the angle SAZ is almost equal to the angle SOZ owing to the great distance of the sun, so that the arc AB is to the circumference of the earth in the proportion of 7°to 360°. The distance between Alexandria and Syene being about 5,000 stadia, Eratosthenes estimated the earth's circumference to be about 250,000 stadia. If the value of the stadium used was the common Olympic stadium, or 157.5 meters, then his evaluation of the earth's radius is about one percent in error. This good agreement with modern values is perhaps fortuitous, however, since both the angle (7°) and the distance (5,000 stadia) have obviously been rounded.

Hipparchus improved on Aristarchus' method and made a satisfactory estimate of the distance of the moon by observing the angular diameter of the earth's shadow at the distance of the moon during an eclipse. In figure 1.5, which represents a plane section of the shadow cone, one can readily see the simple relation that exists between the angles a, b, c, and d. In the triangle moon-earth-sun, one has a + b = c + d, that is, the sun's parallax plus the moon's parallax is equal to the sun's angular radius plus the semidiameter of the earth's shadow. Since the sun's parallax is much smaller than the moon's parallax, the latter is therefore almost equal to the sum of the apparent semidiameters of the sun and the shadow. Thus, letting a = 0', Hipparchus found that the distance of the moon was 59 times the earth's radius. However, assuming a solar parallax of 7', the smallest perceptible parallax, he found that distance to be 67 1/3 times the earth's radius.

Although these evaluations were made during the third and second centuries B.C., they look surprisingly modern in the sense that they are neither a mere speculation nor an accumulation of brute facts. Indeed, the three natural philosophers--Aristarchus, Eratosthenes, and Hipparchus--assumed a reasonable physical model and then, from simple measurements only, they were able to deduce some information about the relative sizes and distances of the earth, moon, and sun. The importance of their work lies not so much in the numerical figures they obtained, but in the facts that the relevant questions were asked and that they were formulated correctly. Such an approach, which was also favored by the Sicilian polymath Archimedes, lies at the core of modern science; it is unfortunate that it did not survive the Hellenistic period and had to be rediscovered at the end of the Middle Ages.

Of great historical importance also is the work of the Christian philosopher Johannes PHILOPONUS, who taught in Alexandria in the first half of the sixth century A.D. and was one of the last great commentators of Aristotle. His conception of the laws of motion, opposed to that of Aristotle, is particularly interesting. According to the latter, a body can move only if a mover exercises upon it an action at every instant of the motion; if left alone, it will not continue to move. The fact that missiles--such as stones and arrows--go on moving for some time after having been projected was assumed to be due to the contact with the surrounding air, to which the mover had imparted some of its moving power. Philoponus' innovation was to suggest instead that the continuance of the motion of a projectile was due to the action of a certain immaterial force--later called the "impetus"--which was communicated to the projectile by the mover. This new idea about forced motion had a considerable impact on physical doctrine in the Middle Ages--both in the Muslim world and in the Latin West--and played an important part in the gradual disintegration of Aristotelian orthodoxy. However, of greatest importance are Philoponus' cosmological views, based on the Judeo-Christian doctrine of creation. Thus admitting that the world was created by God from nothing and will be destroyed, he vehemently attacked Aristotle's assumption that the celestial region beyond the moon was immutable.

In particular, he advocated the idea that the sun and the stars did not consist of ether but were made of the same stuff as the earth. He also claimed that the difference among stars in magnitude, color, and brightness was to be found in the composition of the matter of which the stars were constituted, being sources of fire of the same kind as terrestrial fires. Moreover, he declared that all matter in the universe is nothing but tri-dimensional extension, in which respect there is no difference between any of the celestial and the terrestrial bodies. Philoponus' cosmological views found no echo in his time, however, and about eleven centuries had to pass until observation showed that creation and decay were by no means confined--as was commonly believed--to the earth and its immediate surroundings.
   
FROM THE DARK AGE TO THE RENAISSANCE

With the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, ancient philosophies gave place to a new religious, philosophical, and social movement--Christianity. Most of the early Fathers of the Church had little sympathy for anything that emanated from the heathen Greek and Roman world. For many centuries, therefore, anything that could not be reconciled with the Holy Scriptures was rejected with horror and scorn. Thus the earth became flat again; the heaven was no longer a sphere but a tent or tabernacle; and the sun did not pass under the earth during the night, but traveled laterally round its northern parts as if hidden by a wall. It was also widely believed that the sun, moon, and stars were moved in their orbits by angels, who had to carry on this work until the last day. Although this type of cosmology continued to flourish during the Middle Ages, some writers did study the works of the Greek philosophers, and they were not afraid to accept some of the teaching of antiquity. One of the most eminent figures of the transition period between Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Anicius BOETHIUS (c. 480-524), is often called "The Last Roman." He translated several Greek scientific works into Latin, the only language common to the learned West. Boethius translated Ptolemy's Almagest into Latin, but this Latin translation was lost shortly after. As a result, astronomers of the early Middle Ages in the Latin West were ignorant of the epicycle theories of the planets.11 The scientific heritage of that period was fully displayed by the encyclopedist ISIDORUS HISPALENSIS (c. 560-636), archbishop of Seville, who repeatedly referred to the spherical shape of the earth in his writings, although they otherwise contain passages that may be reconciled only with belief in a flat earth.

Another important step forward was made by an English monk, the Venerable BEDE (673-735), who stoutly maintained that the earth is a sphere and cited as proof the fact that stars visible in one latitude are invisible in another; borrowing heavily from the Latin author PLINY the Elder (23-79), he also gave a detailed account of the nonuniform apparent motions of the planets circling round it. From about the ninth century geocentrism and the rotundity of the earth may be considered to have been acceptable again in the Christian West. In the early Middle Ages, from the eighth to the twelfth century, the geoheliocentric system attributed to Heraclides also enjoyed a widespread popularity propagated by several Latin authors--such as Martianus CAPELLA, who wrote a compendium of science and philosophy in the first half of the fifth century. Let us also mention the work of Johannes Scotus ERIGENA (c. 810-877), an Irish-born philosopher active in France in the 850s and 860s, who referred to "Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and Mercury, which ceaselessly pursue their orbits around the sun (qui circa solem volvuntur)." Historians have disagreed about whether Erigena meant to claim that these four planets move on heliocentric orbits, or merely that they differ from chilly Saturn in that they are near the sun, are much akin to it, and traverse the same region of the heavens that it does. It is unfortunate that in the original manuscript Erigena's famous passage was not accompanied by a graph.

Meanwhile, carrying the banner of Islam, Arabic tribes were suddenly fused into a powerful nation during the seventh century. War and conquest were rapidly followed by intense intellectual activity in Syria and then in Iraq. The rise of the Abbasid caliphate (750-1258) inaugurated the greatest period of Islamic rule, and Baghdad became the center of a brilliant civilization which spread over the entire Muslim world. Old Indian and Greek books were translated into Arabic during the eighth and ninth centuries. Ptolemy's Almagest was translated into Arabic for the caliph al-Ma'mun (c. 786-833) in the late 820s, while large observatories were being built in Baghdad and Damascus. AL-BATTANI (c. 858-929), perhaps the greatest Islamic astronomer, tested many of Ptolemy's results, brought important ameliorations to them, and published improved tables of the sun and the moon. From the same time AL-SUfi (903-986) is chiefly known for his catalog of stellar magnitudes. This work was particularly valuable since its author carefully recorded the magnitudes "as they were seen by his own eyes," whereas other star catalogs of that period had simply borrowed all the magnitudes from the Almagest.

The next astronomical center of that time and region was at Cairo, where Ibn YUNUS (c. 950-1009) published a set of astronomical and mathematical tables, the Hakemite Tables, which remained the standard ones for about two centuries. Another important observatory was built at Maragha in northwest Iran by the Mongol prince Hulagu Khan (c. 1217-1265), a grandson of Genghis Khan (1162-1227). Its main contribution was a volume of new astronomical tables published under the direction of Nasir al-Din AL-TUSI (1201-1274) in 1271, and known as the Ilkhanic Tables. But the most productive observatory in western Asia was that of the Muslim ruler and scholar ULUGHBEK (1394-1449), a grandson of the Mongol conqueror Timur (1336-1405). Working at Samarkand with his assistants, Ulughbek made a star catalog from observations with a 40-meter sextant fixed on the meridian and other precision instruments. This was probably the first substantially independent catalog of stellar positions made since the time of Hipparchus sixteen centuries before. He also published fresh tables of the planets, and did his own amazingly accurate calculations of the length of the year. Unfortunately, Ulughbek was the victim of a cultural and religious backlash: He was murdered at the instigation of his own son, and the Samarkand observatory was reduced to ruins by the beginning of the sixteenth century, although his astronomical work was saved and published to posthumous acclaim in Western Europe.

During the tenth century, astronomy and other branches of knowledge also made some progress in Muslim Spain and the opposite coast of Africa. A great library and an academy were founded at Cordoba about 970, and similar establishments sprang up in Toledo, Seville, and Morocco. Thence, the fame of Arabic astronomy began slowly to spread through Spain into other parts of western Europe. Toledo, despite its reconquest by Christendom in 1085, long remained an important center of Arab and Hebrew culture, where a true spirit of collaboration lingered on among Jewish, Christian, and Moorish scholars. The most important work produced by these astronomers was the volume of astronomical tables known as the Toledan Tables (1080), of which translations and adaptations were widely distributed in Europe. Western knowledge of astronomy was very much increased by the activity of Alfonso X (1221-1284), "the Wise," king of Castile and León. He collected at Toledo a body of scholars, mostly Jews, who calculated a set of new astronomical tables for predicting positions of planetary bodies. These Alfonsine Tables (1272) spread rapidly through Europe and were in use for about three centuries, up to the middle of the sixteenth century. To Alfonso is also due the publication of a vast encyclopedia of astronomical knowledge compiled by a similar group from Arab sources.

One of the last significant astronomers of Muslim Spain was al-Bitruji, known to the Latins as ALPETRAGIUS (died 1204). Philosophically, he objected to Ptolemy's planetary system on the grounds that it violated Aristotle's physical principles. He therefore advocated an alternative model for planetary motion that was based on concentric spheres rotating about inclined axes. This work, which was translated into Latin in 1217, remained influential for several centuries. In fact, at the beginning of the twelfth century, a great wave of translations from Arabic to Latin had already begun, partly of originalArabic books, partly ofArabic translations of Greek books. The physical works of Aristotle, among which De caelo is by far the most important, and Ptolemy's books thus became available to western scholars. The influence of Aristotle over medieval thought soon became almost supreme, and by the end of the thirteenth century most of his cosmological views, or supposed views, were firmly established in the Latin West, with Church approval. With the notable exception of Robert GROSSETESTE (c. 1175-1253), chancellor of Oxford University, and a few others who denied the existence of Aristotle's fifth element, it was therefore widely accepted that the four elements--earth, water, air, and fire--filled the sublunar region of the sky, while the celestial region from the moon outward was composed exclusively of an extraordinary substance, a special ether or fifth element. The earth was of course resting at the center of the universe, which was spherical in shape and of finite extent (see figure 1.6). Not unexpectedly, beyond the general assertion that rotating heavenly spheres move the stars and planets, opinion among medieval thinkers as to the final causes of these rotations varied widely. Of particular interest is the Guide for the Perplexed, in which the Jewish philosopher Moses MAIMONIDES (1135-1204) embraces different patterns of interpretation of heavenly phenomena. His cosmology is basically Aristotelian, and he held that rotating spheres moved the planets by mechanical transmission of motion through contact. Movement of the spheres proceeded from another causation: Elaborating on the thought of his Muslim predecessors, Maimonides identified the separate intelligences of Aristotelianism moving the heavenly spheres with the angels of Scripture. These views influenced the Dominican theologian Thomas AQUINAS (1227-1274) and, through him, the whole thought of Latin Christendom. In fact, such terms as "moving intelligences" or "angels of the spheres" were still familiar to all in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Thirteenth-century astronomy in western Europe was concerned mainly with a debate as to the relative merits of two rival planetary systems. The first was derived from the works of Aristotle and Alpetragius, where it was assumed that the planets were carried around on concentric spheres. In the second system, derived ultimately from Ptolemy's book Hypotheses of the Planets, the planets were assumed to be carried around by a system of material eccentric and epicyclic spheres, whose centers did not coincide with the earth's center. The Ptolemaic system was quickly recognized as being the best geometric device for "saving the astronomical appearances." The practical astronomers, who inevitably demanded quantitative results, thus had no choice but to retain the eccentrics and epicycles of Ptolemaic astronomy, even though they could not be easily reconciled with the principles of the only adequate system of physics known--that of Aristotle. By the end of the thirteenth century the system of concentric spheres had been largely discarded, and scholastic philosophers increasingly came to assume the existence of material eccentrics and epicycles. Special consideration among the medieval astronomers may be given to the Provençal Jew Levi ben Gerson, also known as GERSONIDES (1288-1344), who was the first to criticize the faulty methodology of medieval science. Specifically, he measured the changes in the apparent brightnesses of the planets with the goal of refuting the Ptolemaic system. (He developed specific instruments for this purpose, essentially pinholes and the camera obscura.) Since the results of his observations did not fit Ptolemy's planetary models, Gersonides therefore concluded that the epicyclic hypothesis must be rejected as contrary to the phenomena. He also rejected the model suggested by Alpetragius, who had objected to epicycles for Aristotelian reasons, but was unable to devise a better one. Gersonides' contention was that "no argument can nullify the reality that is perceived by the senses; for true opinion must follow reality, but reality need not conform to opinion"--certainly not the usual position in the scholastic age.During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, even more radical developments may have been suggested by ancient Greek speculations, in particular the earth's daily rotation and the semiheliocentric system in which Venus and Mercury revolve around the sun while the sun itself revolves around the earth. The concept of geocentrism remained unchallenged until the 1510s, when the Polish astronomer Nicolaus COPERNICUS (1473-1543) revived Aristarchus' heliocentric hypothesis.

Although few considered the problem during the Middle Ages, prior to the seventeenth century scholars were divided on the nature of the light emanating from the fixed stars and the planets.Of particular interest is the work of the Cairo astronomer and optician Ibn al-Haytham, known in the West asALHAZEN (965-1038), who pointed out that the stars and planets, unlike the moon, always exhibited the bright shape of a complete circle regardless of their positions with respect to the sun, and regardless of the observer's location. (The phases of Venus had not yet been observed.) He therefore concluded that the stars and planets were selfluminous, and that the moon was unique among heavenly bodies in being the only one that borrowed its light from the sun.16 The Persian physician and philosopher Ibn Sina, known to the Latins as AVICENNA (980-1037), did also concede that the moon received its light from the sun and that the stars and planets were self-luminous. Ibn Rushd, also known as AVERROËS (1126-1198) and perhaps the most influential Muslim philosopher in Spain, agreed that the moon had its light from the sun, but argued for the sun as the sole source of light for allstars and planets; the Franciscan friar Roger BACON (c. 1220-1292) in Oxford was of the same opinion. Subsequently, the Dominican friar ALBERTUS MAGNUS (c. 1200-1280), also known as Albert of Cologne, and the scholastic philosopher ALBERT OF SAXONY (c. 1316-1390) developed various arguments in defense of the idea that the sun illuminated the planets. Among other problems, they had to explain how the planets could appear visibly different and yet receive their light from the same source. Albert of Saxony coped with this problem by assuming that the solar light can penetrate the diaphanous planetary matter, each planet differing in its ability to absorb light. This was a most popular explanation of planetary light: the planets were visible to us because they were partly transparent and, hence, could be filled more or less completely with the sun's light. The Norman polymath Nicole ORESME (c. 1325-1382), a scholar in Paris and later bishop of Lisieux, thought that the self-luminosity option was more probable.

Interest in the light source of the stars became manifest in the late sixteenth century, but again scholars were hardly of one mind. Some were convinced that the fixed stars received their light from the sun because they were not so far off that the sun's light could not reach them. Others believed that the solar light was not the only source of stellar brightness but that each star might have a small amount of light within itself. Thomas DIGGES (1545/46-1595) and Giordano BRUNO (1548-1600) were the first natural philosophers to break with these traditional views by interpreting the fixed stars as suns, and hence as self-luminous bodies. In 1576 Digges published an English version of Copernicus' De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543), adding to his translation the assertion that the heliocentric universe should be conceived as infinite, with the fixed stars located at varying distances throughout infinite space. Thus Digges clearly perceived that, the moment the displacement of the earth was conceded, there was no longer any necessity for picturing the stars as attached to a celestial sphere at a finite distance from the earth. Contrary to Digges, Bruno was a mystic, and his own speculations had their roots in some earlier suggestion by the Rhinelander theologian Nicolaus CUSANUS (1401-1464), who had been led to a belief that the universe has neither center nor circumference; that it is not infinite, yet it cannot be conceived as finite, since there are no limits within which it is enclosed; and that the earth, which cannot be the center of the universe, must in some way be in motion, as are all other bodies in space, with a velocity that is not absolute but relative to the observer. Actually, it was this doctrine of relativity, in space and in motion, that served as the background for Bruno's conception of an infinite universe and innumerable worlds.The essential conclusions of Bruno's work are that not only does the earth move round the sun but the sun itself moves; that our planetary system is not the center of the universe, and that the latter is of infinite size and the worlds therein without number; and that the stars are at large but varying distances from the sun and are themselves centers of planetary systems. These assertions, which were published in England in 1584, marked the change from medieval to modern scientific thought. Betrayed and arrested in Venice, Bruno was transferred to Rome in 1593 and remained in prison for seven years. Then, after a long trial, he was burned at the stake in Rome for his writings which, in addition to containing religious and political heresies, supported the new Copernican system and opposed the traditional Aristotelian cosmology.

 THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN ASTRONOMY

About the end of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century were made the first decided advances since antiquity in observational astronomy. In this field the leading names are those of Tycho BRAHE (1546-1601) and Galileo GALILEI (1564-1642), the former relying upon the naked eye for his measurements, the latter on his recently built refracting telescope.
In 1572 Tycho observed a new star and, failing to detect parallax in his observations, he correctly deduced that it was located well beyond the planets. The star's eighteen-month life span left a considerable impact since it cast serious doubt on the existence of an eternally unalterable celestial region. His observations of a brilliant comet in 1577 also convinced Tycho that its parallax placed it well beyond the sublunar region where comets were supposed to be confined. This was another severe blow to the medieval belief that the celestial region beyond the moon's orbit was immutable. However, because his observations did not disclose a stellar parallax, Tycho rejected the Copernican theory of the earth's revolution. He proposed as a compromise that the sun revolved around a stationary earth, while all the planets--Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn--went around the sun.

Galileo's first contribution to astronomical discovery was made in 1604, when a new star appeared in Ophiuchus, and was shown by him to be without parallax, a result confirming Tycho's conclusions that changes take place in the celestial region beyond the planets. With his telescopic observations made in the 1610s, Galileo added to this a picture of celestial bodies that exhibited surface irregularities: the moon, whose mountains and valleys made it akin to the earth; and the sun, whose spots continually changed in shape and then disappeared while others again succeeded them. The discovery of sunspots is of particular importance because it caused irremediable damage to the Aristotelian principle of stability and incorruptibility of the heavens beyond the moon. Of the new discoveries, Galileo's telescopic observations of the phases of Venus and of the satellites of Jupiter were perhaps the most dramatic events in transforming heliocentrism from a convenient hypothesis for mathematicians into a most plausible physical description of our planetary system. This was a deadly blow to the traditional geocentric and anthropocentric universe.

In 1616 the Copernican doctrines were thus declared "false and absurd, formally heretical and contrary to Scripture" and Galileo was admonished to abandon these opinions. In 1632 Galileo published his epoch-making treatise Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo (Dialogue on the two chief world systems), that is, the Ptolemaic and the Copernican (see figure 1.7). Although the book came out bearing both the Roman and the Florentine imprimaturs, it was soon suspended and its sale prohibited on the ground that it was a compelling and unabashed plea for the heliocentric system. In 1633 Galileo was condemned by the Roman Inquisition for believing and holding that the Copernican doctrines were true and, in punishment, was required to "abjure, curse, and detest the aforesaid errors" and forced to spend the last eight years of his life under house arrest. While confined to his villa at Arcetri, near Florence, he published in 1638 his Discorsi e dimostrazioni matematiche interno a due nuove scienze (Dialogue on two new sciences), in which he summarized the results of his early work with falling bodies and projectiles and presented his penetrating views on the principles of mechanics. This important work, which was not published in Italy but in Holland, paved the way for Newtonian mechanics.

Copernicus' heliocentric theory made continued support for the medieval geocentric cosmology untenable for the majority of astronomers, if not for the majority of scholastic philosophers. Yet Copernicus was a conservative because he did not venture to abandon the use of patterns of circular motion and indeed continued to make use of epicycles in describing planetary trajectories. The great contribution of Johannes KEPLER (1571-1630) was to improve the theory of planetary motion by replacing circles and epicycles by ellipses (see figure 1.8). He himself was not an observer, but he had great faith in the accuracy of the observations of his teacher, Tycho, which he had inherited at the time of Tycho's death. Although Kepler had strong mystical leanings, so that a large portion of his work is now unreadable, his claim to immortal fame rests upon his discovery of the following empirical laws of planetary motion:
  1. Each planet describes an ellipse, with the sun being at one focus.
  2. The speed of each moving planet changes with distance from the sun, so that the straight line joining each planet to the sun sweeps out equal areas in any two equal intervals of time.
  3. The squares of the periods of revolution of any two planets (including the earth) about the sun are in the same ratio as the cubes of their mean distances from the sun.
(The "mean distance" in the third law is half the major axis of the ellipse.) Kepler announced his third law in 1619, ten years after he had given the first two. Not unexpectedly, his books were promptly banned and placed on the Roman Index of Prohibited Books.
Although the geocentric system continued to command widespread support throughout the seventeenth century, heliocentrism with its Keplerian modifications was cautiously gaining acceptance. Attempts were thus made to find out what causes the planets to move on their elliptic orbits with the sun occupying one of the focal points. The solution proposed by the French philosopher René DESCARTES (1596-1650) in 1644 was eagerly accepted.It assumes that all space is filled with a fluid, or ether, the parts of which act on each other and generate a whole spectrum of vortices of different size, velocity, and density. There is an immense vortex around each star and, in particular, around the sun, which carries in its circular motion the earth and the other planets. Each of these planets is located, in turn, in a smaller vortex by which gravitational attraction is produced. Descartes made no attempt to reconcile his theory with Kepler's laws. In fact, it was unsupported by any experimental evidence and did not explain a single phenomenon satisfactorily. Yet "Cartesianism" became extremely fashionable, especially in France, and its vogue undoubtedly contributed to the overthrow of the Aristotelian system.

Descartes' vortex theory required one motion to be the cause of another and explained the mutual attraction of the sun and the planets in terms of actual bodily motions. As early as the 1660s, however, Isaac NEWTON (1642-1727) rejected Descartes' hypothesis of material vortices as the cause of gravitation. According to him, gravity is the power of attraction that one body exercises upon another without the first being in motion or coming in contact with the second. Although this approach raises the problem of action at a distance, which Newton properly acknowledged, it has the merit of fitting the observed phenomena.What Newton brought to the subject is to be found in the simplicity that his laws of motion combined with the principle of gravitational attraction were able to introduce into the description of planetary orbits and ordinary terrestrial phenomena. Newton's unique achievement was to prove that the force that causes a stone to fall on earth is also that which keeps the planets in their orbits. This is expressed in Pope's famous epigram:
Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in Night,
God said, Let Newton be, and all was light,
which celebrates the illumination of nature by Newton's mechanical approach to the physical world.
When, in 1687, Newton published his epoch-making treatise Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica, or "Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy" (figure 1.9), the medieval geocentric world had become utterly irrelevant because it no longer represented a viable alternative to a world in which gravitational attraction forces each planet to move along an ellipse. In other words, Newton's theory of gravitation made physical sense of heliocentrism while providing a simple, natural derivation of Kepler's empirical laws from first principles alone. The law of gravity is basically simple: it merely states that two bodies attract each other with a force that is proportional to the product of their masses and inversely proportional to the square of the distance between them. The success of the theory was all the more evident that the general solution of the two-body problem was found to be a conic (i.e., a circle, an ellipse, a parabola, or a hyperbola), in perfect agreement with the observed trajectories of different comets. Yet, as was noted by Newton: "Hitherto we have explained the phenomena of the heavens and of our sea by the power of gravity, but have not assigned the cause of this power." Pointing out that he had made no unreasonable hypothesis, he further concluded: "And to us it is enough that gravity does really exist, and act according to the laws which we have explained, and abundantly serves to account for all the motions of the celestial bodies, and of our sea." Newton's theory is of great philosophical importance because it is the first successful attempt to explain the universe and its processes without reference to gods or animistic conceptions.

By the time geocentrism and terrestrial immobility had lost all credibility, it was widely accepted that the fixed stars were self-luminous bodies, the sun being one among the multitude of stars. However, because no stellar parallax could be detected from the earth's orbital motion round the sun, enormous arbitrary distances had to be assumed between the sun and the fixed stars. The problem was discussed by the Dutch polymath Christiaan HUYGENS (1629-1695) in his treatise Cosmotheoros; his efforts at measuring the distance of Sirius are particularly noteworthy. (The work was published posthumously in 1698.) Lacking any information about the global properties of stars, he assumed that his test star, Sirius, was exactly similar to the sun. If so, then, he correctly deduced that its distance from us should be as much greater than that of the sun as its apparent diameter was less than the diameter of the solar disk. In practice, to compare the sun and Sirius, he gradually lessened the sun's diameter in his telescope, closing one end of his twelve-foot tube with a plate that had a variable hole in its middle. Reducing the hole's diameter till the sun appeared of the same brightness as Sirius, he found that he had to make its diameter but the 27,664th part of the diameter of the observed solar disk. In our modern notation, he evaluated the distance of Sirius at about 27,664 AU whereas its distance is actually close to 546,000 AU. (Here AU denotes the astronomical unit, that is, the mean sun-earth distance.) Although we know that Huygens' evaluation was vitiated by an inadequate assumption about the global properties of Sirius, this observational work should not be ignored, because it is quite illustrative of the spirit and methods of the Scientific Revolution that changed our views of the universe.